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(www.stakeknife.eu)

 

Twitter: @seankellyis

 

(18)

 

*

 

Communications to the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament

 

In July 2013 from a blind position I wrote to the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament. As no address was available I initially wrote to: The Secretary, Intelligence and Security Committee, House of Commons, London.

 

On receiving a reply from a source I did not direct to, my next communication went to the committee chairman, Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP. There was no return to this letter.

 

On getting names of committee members, future missives went to the chairman and individual members of the Intelligence and Security Committee.

 

I sought to educate the Committee as to the on-the-ground reality of the Security Service, something the agency was unlikely to volunteer.

 

The direction concerned the “operations [and] policy” of the said agency in so far as my personal experience informs.

 

The aim was to highlight egregious wrongdoing by the Security Service through the medium of the Stakeknife web site and by raising specific issues in the letters. But first an insight as to what the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament is about.

 

“The ISC’s statutory remit covers the operations, policy, administration and finances of the intelligence and security Agencies. The Committee does not investigate individual complaints about the Agencies (which is the responsibility of the Investigatory Powers Tribunal).”

 

The Stakeknife revelations, per se, only relate to me by my being the author of the web site, an understanding derived from many years at the receiving end of MI5 malpractice and added to by extensive research. Ditto those issues represented in correspondence supplied to the ISC concerning compromised continental IRA operations allowed to proceed in the protection and promotion of agents/assets, leading to deaths.

 

With other matters mentioned these are surely appropriate subjects for ISC deliberation and, ultimately, exposition and correction.

 

The Investigatory Powers Tribunal is ill-suited, I judge, to dwell on my submission. Besides, notwithstanding the grand sounding title, it is likely to be no more than a bureaucratic jar of ointment for an unsuspecting fly. I hope I am by now beyond that naïve definition.

 

*

Communications to the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament

 

1) Tuesday 02.07.13 – One page letter to The Secretary, Intelligence and Security Committee, House of Commons, London.

 

2) Monday 22.07.13 – Two page letter to Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP, Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee.

 

3) Monday 09.10.13 – One page letter to Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP, Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee, enclosing an eight page update from Section 9, Stakeknife compilation.

 

4) Monday 20.01.14 – One page letter to Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP, Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee and Members Intelligence and Security Committee. With enclosures.

 

5) Monday 31.03.14 – Three page letter to Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP, Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee and Members Intelligence and Security Committee. With enclosures.

 

6) Tuesday 22.04.14 – Five page letter to Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP, Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee and Members Intelligence and Security Committee.

 

 

Notes:

 

Letters one, two and three had an attached slip of paper with Internet addresses.

 

Letter three enclosures are excluded but are contained in web site (details below).

 

Letter four enclosures are excluded but can be made available on request.

 

Letter five enclosures are included with correspondence below.

 

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

 

(1)

Letter of Tuesday 02.07.13 to Secretary Intelligence & Security Committee

 

(Dear Secretary)

 

This brief missive comes to you from a UK pensioner who was forced out of England in order to safeguard his life. I have spent fully thirty years in the pursuit of justice in this matter, yet you will not have heard my name or know of my case.

 

Stapled to this covering note is a slip of paper containing web addresses. I ask that you would copy and make same available to the parliamentary Intelligence and Security Committee. I ask that members, from the chairman down, would read the documents referred.

 

I bring to your attention that MI5 will have read this letter before you. I further ask that you would endeavour to access my web sites through a search engine.

 

Unless the Security Service has had a word in the ear of its Irish Special Branch counterpart consequent of this despatch, you will not find them.

 

Welcome to the real world!

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

THE SECRETARY.

Intelligence & Security Committee,

House of Commons,

London SWIA OAA,

England.

 

                                                          END 

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

(2)

Letter of Monday 22.07.13 to Intelligence & Security Committee

 

(Dear Sir Malcolm Rifkind)

 

Please find attached letter dated 2 July 2013 addressed to The Secretary, Intelligence & Security Committee, House of Commons, London. Today I received a return from the Home Office querying same.

 

The direction of my missive to the Home Office by an unknown party, instead of the addressee, seems to me to be anomalous, to say the least.

 

The Home Office is ill-suited to reflect on the issues I offer for consideration, especially given the historic events which overtook me were primarily due to the Security Service, an agency subordinate to that office.

 

It is because of these considerations I again petition the ISC, doing so through you as chairman. I emphatically wish no other direction.

 

Does it concern you that MI5 will be apprised of the content of this letter before you and fellow members of the ISC? Does it concern you that MI5 was party to concerted efforts by fraternal intelligence agencies to kill me?

 

My wish was to forward a copy of this letter to individual members of the ISC, but not knowing their names I am unable to do so. I do, however, have your name as chairman of the committee, hence the specific direction.

 

Please do not construe this gesture as a vote of confidence in your committee to deliberate impartially on my submission. To expect otherwise would be, I pose, to run counter to the laws of nature. Years of lies and abuse have conditioned me to believe intelligence agencies are a law unto themselves.

 

Disabuse me if you will.

 

Attached are the Internet addresses previously forwarded to the Intelligence & Security Committee.

 

If the Stakeknife compilation, number one on the list, reflects on egregious wrongdoing by the Security Service in respect of other parties, the additional web addresses – mirroring one presentation – derive in large part from personal encounters at the hands of intelligence agencies, and post event experiences.

 

My claims are backed up by extensive research and corroboration. If your committee hold to a genuine desire to “investigate the actions of MI5, MI6 and GCHQ to uncover the truth” in order to provide an accurate overview of national intelligence agencies, it is imperative that it should go beyond the sanitised and partial submissions that will indubitably be made on behalf of those agencies.

 

Perhaps a reading of my two web sites will provide some realism and balance in that regard?

 

Let’s see if MI5 “only shoot the crocodiles nearest to the boat!”

 

You might be kind enough to personally acknowledge.

 

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC MP.

Conservative Party,

Chairman ISC,

House of Commons,

London SWIA OAA,

England.

 

                                                                        END

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

(3)

Letter of Wednesday 09.10.13 to Intelligence & Security Committee

 

www.stakeknife.eu

 

(Dear Sir Malcolm Rifkind)

 

Since my letter to you of 22 July 2003, enclosing an earlier communication of 02.07.13, the Stakeknife web site (address as above and attached) has been further developed.

 

While the additional information is now on the Internet, an eight page hard copy of that material is attached; and too copies of previous letters. It may assist in a quick mental updating should you have an interest.

 

The sentiment and requests contained in previous correspondence continue unaltered.

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC MP.

Conservative Party,

Chairman ISC,

House of Commons,

London SWIA OAA,

England.

 

[Note: Enclosures are omitted as content is now contained in “Thursday 19 September 2013 Insertion” in Section 9 of the Stakeknife web site.]

 

                                                                        END

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

(4)

Letter of Monday 20.01.14 to Intelligence & Security Committee

 

 

(Dear Sir Malcolm Rifkind)

 

 

Since last writing to you I obtained a hard copy of the Smithwick Tribunal transcript of Witness 82, a selective reference from which was made in my Stakeknife enclosure forwarded with covering letter dated 09.10.13.

 

You have not acknowledged or returned to any communication.

 

For the sake of completeness, please find enclosed relevant pages of the Smithwick Tribunal transcript: this to confirm accuracy of inclusions.

 

Quoted parts are asterisked.

 

Copies of the above, including this letter, are to be despatched to the members of the Intelligence and Security Committee, namely: The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears MP; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC MP; Mr Mark Field MP; The Rt. Hon. Paul Goggins MP; The Rt. Hon. George Howarth MP; Dr Julian Lewis MP; Lord Lothian QC PC.

 

I pose two questions to the ISC. Are you aware of the on-the-ground reality of intelligence matters and their consequences? Do you care?

 

Finally, in the typing of this letter my non-Internet computer suffered from external intrusion.

 

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

The Rt. Hon. Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC MP.

Chairman Intelligence & Security Committee,

Members Intelligence & Security Committee,

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ.

 

[Note: Enclosure omitted but can be made available on request.]

 

 

                                                                        END

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

(5)

Letter of Monday 31.03.14 to Intelligence & Security Committee

 

www.stakeknife.eu

 

(Dear Sir Malcolm Rifkind)

 

 

On Tuesday 3 December 2013 the Smithwick Tribunal Report was made public.

 

The Chairman and Sole Member, His Honour Judge Peter Smithwick, had the balls to conclude that on the balance of probabilities there was collusion by An Garda Siochana in the murder of RUC officers Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan, shot by the IRA on 20 March 1989.

 

His findings represented a politically unpalatable truth.

 

The implications of these findings are profound. However, given the amount of publicity devoted to the Smithwick Report, you wouldn’t think so. You see, official Ireland, like Britain, buries its dirt quickly, at times under piles of ephemera of the bogus “whistleblowing” kind. Most of which comes from the lousy left, masters at projecting feigned umbrage and outrage on behalf of state security interests, in parliamentary chambers and in varying branches of the media.

 

The concerned leftie touch, as known to the cognoscenti.

 

Spoofs by one name. False representations of democratic freedoms, another. And yet again, a trip on the magic roundabout.

 

I hope the Intelligence and Security Committee in London will emulate the courage of Judge Smithwick and pronounce positively in respect of your own deliberations.

 

My direction is to the Security Service.

 

The Stakeknife web site supplied to you in previous correspondence brought to your attention IRA operations on the continent, which though compromised, were allowed to proceed for operational intelligence reasons, namely in the protection and promotion of informers.

 

Deaths ensued.

 

One of those murdered in what I call an RIA operation was 6 month old Nivruti Islania, shot with her father Maheshkumar “Mick” Islania, a Royal Air Force corporal based at Wildenrath, Germany on 26 October 1989.

 

Mick Islania was also killed. Murder tolerated in order to preserve a modus operandi with close to a universal acceptance in the intelligence community.

 

A hidden remove that affords protection to MI5/Special Branch and facilitates plausible denial. As elsewhere described, a bespoke hoodie for cowards.

 

By speaking up for Nivruti you can help break this extraordinarily privileged and deadly silence.

 

Over long years our so-called free press has failed to do so in this and countless other avoidable deaths associated with the Troubles. Yet, on lesser matters, they can on behalf of the same hidden interests get into an induced feeding frenzy.

 

Theatre for the proletariat.

 

Talking about the media, specifically the press. Enclosed is “Stakeknife – An Update”, a two page summary of a recent initiative. Though on my computer since end [February], it has not been put on the Internet or imparted to other parties.

 

It relates to the submission of my Stakeknife web site to the Paul Foot Award competition for investigative journalism. A reading will explain.

 

With it is an Irish Times clipping dated Wednesday 26 March 2014. The headline says it all. “’Guardian’ threatened with closure over Snowden leaks, conference told.”

 

[The Irish Times clipping of Wednesday 26 March 2014 is scanned in below.}

 

The British government threatened to close down The Guardian newspaper over the Snowden files spoof? Do you believe that?

 

If so, fair play to you. Long beyond expectation you have retained a delightful childhood innocence. Which obliges the question: what are you doing on a national intelligence and security committee?

 

The Guardian helped float the Stakeknife spoof. The Snowden tale comes from the same stable of collective intelligence ephemera posturing as disclosure on sensitive national security secrets. Yet they do have ulterior intelligence motives.

 

A revisiting of my Stakeknife web site will indicate somewhat the where and how of these false flags. You will read The Guardian published an article by the MI5 at a remove “whistleblower” Martin Ingram/Ian Hurst, chief architect of the Stakeknife myth. The newspaper may have done so in good faith, accepting the bona fides of the author.

 

And likewise with the Snowden disclosures.

 

The difference between the Stakeknife and Snowden stories is primarily scale. You all know how big the Snowden explosion was (is?).

 

Please read “Stakeknife – An Update” and ask your self what does Private Eye magazine know that the Intelligence and Security Committee do not know?

 

Indeed, why not have a chat with Private Eye?

 

Judge Peter Smithwick went down roads where others had not gone before to arrive at his conclusions, this in spite of difficulties created by the respective national security agencies, who, I am confident, consciously witheld swathes of intelligence understanding from his Tribunal.

 

Let the moral clarity and example of Judge Smithwick be your guiding light.

 

Finally, I ask – please do not forsake Nivruti.

 

Thank you.

 

 

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

The Rt. Hon. Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC MP.

Chairman Intelligence & Security Committee,

Members Intelligence & Security Committee,

(The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears MP; The Rt. Hon. Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC MP; Mr. Mark Field MP; The Rt. Hon. Paul Goggins MP; The Rt. Hon. George Howarth MP; Dr. Julian Lewis MP; Lord Lothian QC PC.)

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ,

England.

 

(Letters to Members of Parliament will be directed to the House of Commons)

 

*

(Enclosures with letter of 31.03.14)

 

Stakeknife – An Update

 

In November 2013 the Stakeknife web presentation was submitted to the Paul Foot Award competition, online section, for “investigative or campaigning journalism.” An award annually sponsored by Private Eye magazine and The Guardian newspaper in memory of Paul Foot, a journalist who died in 2004.

 

It was “An investigative and analytical search for truth behind the ‘agent Stakeknife’ story.”

 

The initiative was an attempt to push the story into the open. What consideration it was given - if any - is best known to the above sponsors.

 

Even if it had merited inclusion in the “short list”, I am confident the government offices concerned with these matters would have imposed a gagging order, thus preventing it from going forward to a wider audience.

 

For the reasons why, read the below introductory letter which accompanied the submission.

*

[Paul Foot Award Submission]

www.stakeknife.eu

 

Intelligence agencies are a law unto themselves. It is so because they are above legal, journalistic and political challenge. Indeed, in some part at least, their ability to be placed above accountability is down to the pro-active or tacit support of the aforesaid practitioners.

 

For ordinary citizens grievously abused by an agency of national intelligence, there is no avenue of redress.

 

Not in theory. Not in reality.

 

For fully 30 years I have been engaged in a fight for justice, yet you will not know my name or have heard of my case. For the why, read above [website].

 

When the Stakeknife story began its public life, I was confident it was a bogus presentation. For all that, one with an ulterior intelligence motive.

 

I set out to prove the non-existence of the alleged agent and determine the purpose behind the creation.

 

In this regard, submissions were made to the following: 1) Mrs. Nuala O’Loan, Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. 2) Lord Saville of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. 3) His Honour Judge Peter Smithwick of the Smithwick Tribunal.

 

From these submissions were developed the component parts of the Stakeknife – A Search for Truth story. It grew into a 17 section compilation.

 

In June 2013 it was placed on the Internet. Web address as above.

 

                                                           

*

 

In February 2014 a shortlist of six was announced by the Paul Foot Award judges. “The first prize of £5,000 will be presented at a ceremony in London on Tuesday 25 February, with each of the [five] runners-up receiving £1,000.” So went the prelude to the big day.

 

On Wednesday 26 and Thursday 27 February I bought The Guardian, expecting to see the results. I saw nothing. Did a report slip by unseen?

A Guardian online page was more helpful. In standard print I learned “The Snowden Files: How GCHQ Watches Your Every Move” (received) “the £2,000 special investigation award”.

Smaller print informed the first prize went to David Cohen of the Evening Standard for his “Frontline London” work investigating criminal gangs.

So the David Cohen real life minnow swallowed a faux whale, the Guardian’s Snowden Files. However, instead of getting the standard £1,000 runners-up prize, the seven Guardian writers had a “£2,000 special investigation award” to share between them.

 

Was this a face saving gesture for a hand-out with more bounce to it than a wallaby on walk-about?

 

                                                                       

*

 

 

The Irish Times Snowden Article as highlighted in 31.03.14 letter to ISC. 

 

                                                          END

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

(6)

Letter of Tuesday 22.04.14 to Intelligence & Security Committee

 

(Dear Sir Malcolm Rifkind)

 

 

On Tuesday 8 April there was an on-the-ground activity relevant to my person by the Irish national intelligence agency, which embodied the usual characteristic of plausible denial. I assume it was consequent of my letter of 31 March 2014 to the Intelligence and Security Committee.

 

Did something else intervene say two days on with the causal effect of back pedalling on the first initiative? An adjustment by MI5’s Crime and Security counterparts in Dublin following from a development in the extended household?

 

The Tuesday part had to do with a senior journalist from a flagship media outlet who was put across my path. The person will have been acting at the behest of national security interests, the same people, Irish, US or UK, who consider it part of their remit to allow babies to be murdered and not be held accountable.

 

The “across my path” juxtaposition is an intelligence agency staple with many permutations. One spoke in the large wheel of plausible denial. As previously described – “a bespoke hoodie for cowards”.

 

This well known journalist – “he’s a very nice person” – was put across my path in what is ostensibly a chance encounter. An artificially created position which invites the target to make an opportunistic approach.

 

“Hello, can I have a minute with you, please?” A friendly man, he would listen to your tale, take your details and maybe offer, “Leave it with me and I will see if anything can be done”.

 

In one innocent move control of the deck of cards, little though it ever was to the aggrieved party, is transferred to the other side.

 

The helping hand turns out to be a “sink” job on behalf of state intelligence, having the effect of further isolating the target and leaving in its wake a morale sapping sense of deflation and anger.

 

Media facilitation is only given to spurious intelligence whistleblowers. Genuine state sensitive national security secrets on grievous wrongdoing have no takers.

 

Insult to the target is further compounded by the back-footing effect that he was the architect of the initiative, which, while superficially correct, is not factually so.

 

The first initiative was theirs, they created the coincidental overlap, the “across my path” encounter – but that is hidden and protected by plausible denial.

 

A modus operandi that is as stomach churning in its hypocrisy as it is unending and rigid in application. Adults acting out childish games with deadly potential.

 

The journalist would likely have facilitated the stamping of a lie on the record. That or “dismissal by ridicule”; another trick from the repertoire of secret state.

 

If I labour on this point, it is because it has purpose. Consider the frustration of fighting an unseen enemy, one who lives out the notion of non-existence, and doing this for over thirty years against an array of countries.

 

It is an unequal contest. One side advantaged at every turn, the other thwarted.

 

Every direction within the system, national and fraternal, is designed to preserve this extraordinary privilege and preclude challenge. It is so because all within the system accord deferentially to it.

 

I have no blood on my hands but by silence and acquiescence those who shape our structures do. As I count out my daily prayers, so I count out my blessings. At least I am alive. Others are not. Sacrificed by a complicit silence.

 

The above related “across my path” encounter with the journalist is a well walked route with a greater history, in my experience, of being worked by politicians.

 

The intent is to direct the complaint through the politician to the Minister for Justice, who will on behalf of an agency subordinate to his or her office, and by deduction its fraternal counterparts outside Ireland, rubber stamp a lie on record.

 

This becomes a hook to hang all future representations, beyond which there is no passage.

 

Though a lie it brooks no challenge. It is brutal and unjust – a licence for future criminal acts by the same agencies, operating nationally or fraternally, on which the peoples’ representatives remain silent. As do journalists and lawyers who effect “liberal” and/or “human rights” pretensions in the public mind.

 

By Thursday 10 April the Irish were back pedalling on their 8 April initiative. Had new insight come to the triumvirate to mitigate against the first course of action?

 

What I am saying is something that will be known to ISC members, intelligence agencies of Ireland-UK-USA cooperate on common security issues to a degree of near seamlessness.

 

However, it may come as a surprise for some to learn that the CIA in Langley and the FSB in Moscow likewise operate and cooperate in close partnership.

 

Yes, they will, given the chance, steal secrets from one another, as do fraternal agencies from counterparts, but in large part they work in harmonious concert.

 

Example the recent Sochi Winter Olympics.

 

Do you remember when Edward Snowden was in Hong Kong and there was talk of him going to a South American country? Scriptwriting.

 

He could have gone to a choice of many countries before embarking on his trip to Hong Kong, he didn’t because of the potential for danger as his mentors would have perceived it had he gone in particular to one of the South American prospects and his ephemera was decoded for what it is, a cover up by the disclosed of that not disclosed, the real buried by the false. An old trick of the trade.

 

He had to go to a country with a disciplined security system with whom the US had worked in partnership and on whom they could depend to act out their part.

 

Talk of Snowden having aspiration to secure political asylum in Ecuador, Bolivia, Venezuela, or elsewhere, was for effect.

 

Look at where he could have gone, look at where he didn’t go, look at where he did go.

 

A bird quiz question. Name the first cuckoo to nearly fly into Venezuela?

 

Snowden’s going to Hong Kong was part of a pre-mapped journey to Russia. I’m saying it was a mutually agreed position between the relevant agencies involved.

 

If indubitably the Chinese were aware of the course of action, if not its purpose, the real partners in this covert collaboration were the CIA and the FSB.

 

Lest you consider my use of the word “partners” in this context to be over strong, the word is not my own. I borrowed it from President Vladimir Putin of Russia.

 

Despite the close security cooperation between Russia and the United States for the Sochi Winter Olympics, I am confident that President Putin didn’t do the Snowden job “for our American partners” as a freebie. Granting temporary political asylum to Snowden was a win-win situation for Russia. It cranked up Putin’s human rights standing and put President Obama’s in that regard in a correspondingly poor light.

 

A perception that was reinforced by Snowden’s praise for Russia. The old “Punch and Judy” routine played out to a global audience.

 

In June 2013 Stakeknife was put on the Internet. In Section 8 there is a short sub-piece entitled The Dead Dog Sings. For an overview of the Edward Snowden whistleblower swiz, I ask that you would read it.

 

Should you wish to go further, please read the full Stakeknife web site and State Murder 1 – a separate web site, in particular that dealing with raising extradition warrants for the arrest of Evelyn Glenholmes.

 

In these documents and the unmentioned flight of Patrick Ryan from Brussels to Dublin in a military aircraft, you will find many component parts of the Snowden story. Bits are also found in other false representations of democratic freedoms.

 

I pose a serious question: what quid pro quo did Russia demand and get for hosting Snowden? A prize for the first ISC member with the correct answer!

 

*

After Private Eye magazine booted the Guardian’s Snowden Files into touch, the Pulitzer Prize egg-heads picked them up and dusted them down by lending their imprimatur to the Washington Post and The Guardian for publishing same.

 

Was it a star spangled banner dig out?

 

Media awards for secret state generated controversies is as old as the practice itself. Stakeknife is one example. You will know from the eponymous web site that the Stakeknife story is a lie. Do your maths on other “whistleblowers” and you can add  to the list.

 

So, who do you accept? The cynical worldliness of Private Eye magazine or the solemnity of the Pulitzer Prize committee?

 

Those who know or those who don’t care to know – and who easily elevate leftie disclosure as gospel because it is written in certain scholarly newspapers? Never going behind the veil to ask the real questions like who gave it and why.

 

*

In mine of the 31st ultimo I brought to your attention IRA actions on the continent which though compromised were allowed to proceed for operational intelligence reasons, that is – in the defence and promotion of informers. Deaths ensued.

 

Cited were the murders of Royal Air Force corporal Mick Islania and his six month old daughter Nivruti.

 

I add to the list. When the ISC are next addressed by a senior member of the Security Service, please put this direct question to him or her:

 

Who murdered Heidi Hazell?

 

Heidi, the German wife of a British army sergeant was shot dead near Dortmund, Germany on 7 September 1989 in what I call an RIA operation.

 

*

I make the point that my letters to members of the ISC have so far failed to elicit a return and the contents of those letters is soon enough known to the respective security services.

 

*

As one long at the receiving end of secret state attempts at administering “justice”, I enlighten you.

 

Bereft of formal avenues of redress the task of correction is left to the wrongdoers. It demands one to pretend that those who manipulated, lied and threatened, didn’t manipulate, lie or threaten. Additionally it requires – albeit unspoken – from the target an acceptance that the security services who tried to kill, didn’t try to kill. Indeed, one is obliged to pretend that they do not exist and by corollary all that happened didn’t happen.

 

Accordingly, whatever beneficence comes one’s way it is by fortuitous happening [and not a pay-off for, or admission of, wrongdoing].

 

Multifarious formulas to realise control and acquiescence, silence by another word – when all else has failed!

 

An attempt to dole out “justice” by piecemeal manipulation, given to those who conform – the innocent bound by the norms of the guilty, a guilty who in life and death assume the prerogatives of God.

 

How can a Christian accept this and still do his duty to God?

 

I can tell you in words you will not understand, those who are with God have for over thirty years witheld or blinded me to the immediacy of every attempt at manipulated closure.

 

Don’t take my word for it, ask MI5 who will be aware if not understanding of this on their own behalf and through fraternal exchange. Prisoners held by the rules of their own dirty game.

 

How can ISC members remain silent when you have a voice that can be heard?

 

Finally, when you sink your next glass of claret or whatever, think of the maimed and the murdered unknowingly sacrificed.

 

Cheers!

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

The Rt. Hon. Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP.

Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee,

Members Intelligence and Security Committee,

(The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears MP; The Rt. Hon. Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC MP; Mr. Mark Field MP; The Rt. Hon. Paul Goggins MP; The Rt. Hon. George Howarth MP; Dr. Julian Lewis MP; Lord Lothian QC PC.)

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ,

England.

 

(Letters to Members of Parliament will be directed to the House of Commons)

 

                                                                                   

[Section 18 placed on the Internet Tuesday 13 May 2014]

 

                                                                        END

 

*

Should you wish to read more investigative material on security matters, these deriving in large part from personal encounters with intelligence agencies, the non Stakeknife web addresses below may be of interest.

 

 

 

www.statemurder.eu

(mirrored at)

www.seankellydublin.eu

 

Twitter: @seankellyis

 

*****

 

*

 

2015 Update (Correspondence)

 

 

In January 2015 – in a brief search of the Internet I came across a name hitherto unknown to me, that of Andrew Tyrie, Conservative member of parliament for Chichester in England.

 

As his opinion of the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament (ISC) resonated with my own, I decided to write to him.

 

Below are letters to Mr. Tyrie in his capacity as chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition (APPG on ER). In a couple of instances letters to the APPG on ER and the ISC enjoy a shared distribution.

 

This is indicated in the relevant correspondence.

 

*

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

Monday 12.01.15

 

www.stakeknife.eu

 

(Dear Mr. Tyrie)

 

 

Read for the first time this afternoon your statement on the Internet – “The Intelligence and Security Committee: A watchdog with no teeth or credibility.”

 

Your words are well judged and honest, bereft of political waffle, so much so I was surprised to learn you are a Conservative member of parliament.

 

But why should I be surprised? On going further into the material I intend submitting to you, if fully read, you will learn I was once a member of the Conservative Party.

 

A beneficial experience, I add.

 

In Section 18 of the above Stakeknife web site are my private submissions to the ISC.

 

Perhaps you would be so kind as to read them; and, indeed, go beyond and read the full Stakeknife compilation. None of my letters to Sir Malcolm Rifkind and ISC members got a return.

 

A letter to Yvette Cooper MP, shadow home secretary, has likewise failed to elicit an acknowledgement.

 

Additional to the above Stakeknife web address, you will find an attached list with three other web addresses, mirroring one web site.

 

[Now replaced by the two web addresses below.]

 

The latter web site has been on the Internet since 2003. It relates to a fight for justice that is ongoing for more than 30 years. Yet, you will not have heard of my name or know of my case. A reading will explain why.

 

You will also learn that the Security Service facilitated my premature in-flight to the United States for what was a clear intention to murder.

 

Details and corroboration are to be found in the three mirrored web addresses.

 

By passing these web documents on to you, I impose. They are lengthy, extensively researched and offer copious corroboration in various forms.

 

Should you ever visit Dublin, perhaps you would let me know so we can arrange a meeting? If you so oblige, further sensitive understanding can be transferred.

 

This missive is sent to you without any desire for parliamentary representation on my behalf. There are, however, other names in the ISC correspondence to which you might apportion time and attention.

 

I am thinking of Nivruti Islania and Heidi Hazell. A reading will explain.

 

I would raise no objection to a copy of this letter going to members of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition.

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

Mr. Andrew Tyrie MP.

Conservative Party,

Member for Chichester,

House of Commons,

London SWIA OAA,

UK.

 

*

WEB ADDRESSES

(non Stakeknife)

 

*

www.statemurder.eu

(mirrored at)

www.seankellydublin.eu

 

Twitter: @seankellyis

 

 

*

 

 

(Letter of 21.01.15 from the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition)

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

Tuesday 24.02.15

 

(Dear Ms Lam)

 

Thank you for your letter of the 21st ultimo – re mine of Monday 12.01.15 to Andrew Tyrie MP, copy transferred to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition.

 

I express my gratitude to Andrew Tyrie for considering and effecting this transfer.

 

In general terms, on issues of intelligence sensitivity, acknowledgements from non-government offices tend to be almost as scarce as hens’ teeth.

 

As for executive government offices, department of justice in Ireland and home office in the UK, for example, their assumed duty is to lie and impose a close-down on behalf of subordinate agencies and what they consider to be in the “national interest”; all part of the hidden agenda in what is known as the democratic process.

 

In mine to Andrew Tyrie MP: “The latter web site has been on the Internet since 2003. It relates to a fight for justice that is ongoing for more 30 years. Yet, you will not have heard my name or know of my case. A reading will explain why.

 

“You will also learn that the Security Service facilitated my premature in-flight to the United States of America for what was a clear intention to murder.”

 

Details of this claim are contained in the above stapled three mirrored web sites, and are found in State Murder 1, Section 2. Hyperlinks connect to corroborating documents.

 

They confirm my premature in-flight to Los Angeles airport en-route to New Zealand from Heathrow airport. A flight scheduled for 17 July 1983 was brought forward to 16 July 1983, for which there was no ongoing same day connection. Background to this is in State Murder 1, Section 2.

 

Hyperlinks connect to corroborating documents.

 

Lending balance to this point, I add that this was not the first covert attempt to secure my entry into the United States. A reading of document State Murder 1, Section 2 takes one by hyperlink to a corroborative section entitled “West Cork and Travel.”

 

Item A1 within reflects on the sale of my property in County Cork, Ireland.

 

You will note that the American purchaser sought to have me accept the placing of 75% of the property purchase money in a bank account in the United States.

 

For your convenience, please find attached a copy of Item A1, dated 26 April 1983. Also attached, but not on the web site, is further evidence of that claim, contained in a one page letter from the legal representative of the other party, dated 2 May 1983.

 

A reading of web site (State Murder 1, Section 2) adds context to this intended entrapment.

 

Property disposal completed, I transferred to Coventry, England. From there I set out to travel to Australia-New Zealand. The intention was to spend months in one country before going on to the other.

 

I was instead persuaded to route myself in the opposite direction, departing Heathrow for a same day connection from Los Angeles to Auckland in New Zealand.

 

On arrival at Los Angeles, it was found my New Zealand connection was not scheduled for about another 31 hours. I had been flown in prematurely.

 

An airline/airport staff member, dealing with an unseen other or others, liaised with me. Through this intermediary I was informed I could leave the airport and spend the intervening time in Los Angeles without a passport.

 

The alternative was that I remain on the airport under armed guard.

 

I went for the latter suggestion. It was not to be. Soon after, the hidden decision maker(s) decided I should be flown onward by another carrier, Air New Zealand, arriving Auckland 18 July 1983.

 

A wider context and hyperlink connection to corroborating documents is to be found in State Murder 1, Section 2.

 

Inside three months of arrival in New Zealand, a United States assassination team was flown in to kill me. A design scheduled for 16 October 1983 in Abel Tasman National Park, under the command of a senior CIA officer.

 

Like the two prior attempts to secure my entry into the United States, thanks to good souls gone to God, I would also evade this lethal intention.

 

Enlargement of detail on this point, with hyperlinks to corroborative documents, is to be found in State Murder 1, Section 2.

 

Reflecting on these events, one sees in them a presumptive and arrogant abuse of New Zealand sovereign territory by an intelligence agency of United States of America. This apart from the grievous wrongdoing intended.

 

But then, that arrogant intrusion was also evident in Australia, Britain and Ireland. From my experience, all are links in an execrable chain of fraternal cooperation.

 

I exclude New Zealand from the worst of that judgement.

 

*

Following events in Abel Tasman National Park, and making a report to the police in Wellington, I embarked on a precipitate flight of about 14,000 miles, arriving Heathrow airport Monday 24 October 1983.

 

That day, I lodged an attempt to murder charge by telephone from the ground floor to the office of Douglas Hurd MP, Minister of State, Home Office, Queen Anne’s Gate, London.

 

Over the next few days, this charge was repeated in Coventry to my solicitor, A.V.N. Richards, and to John Butcher MP, the local Conservative member.

 

State Murder 1, Section 2, enlarges on and provides by hyperlink connection corroborative support for these claims.

 

A reading will also inform on an apparent raising of two sets of files by the Home Office. The first dealing with a complaint on surveillance, one not made by me, and dealt with by Douglas Hurd MP.

 

On lodging the attempt to murder charge with John Butcher MP, I asked that it not be handled by Douglas Hurd MP, but it should “go to the top”, to the Home Secretary, Leon Brittan MP.

 

It seemed it did. A reading of State Murder 1, Section 2, expands on this theme through text and by hyperlink extension to corroborative documents.

 

In presenting my experiences of years ago, I do hope it provides a precursor format, at least in some respects, to what would become known post 9/11 as extraordinary rendition.

 

Had I entered the United States on any of the two attempts to have me do so, a cage didn’t await me. It was a hole.

 

Maybe the greater act of depravity was that which will surely have been intended beforehand.

 

*

Since writing to Andrew Tyrie MP, my non-Internet connected computer suffered an egregious act of abuse. One made possible through deception.

 

The computer is also believed to have been abused in a secondary incursion.

 

Using my ignorance of information technology, within the pretense of lending a helping hand, the computer was accessed and an extensive list of files copied.

 

My ignorance of computer science does not equate with the human dimension, on which I have more experience. I set about to enquire further.

 

The files contained personal and official correspondence and research papers relating to security matters; the installing of poems; the logging of many across my path encounters, including identification of those involved.

 

These partly to do with state attempts to gain control, achieve a silence and realise a cessation of bolshie demands for justice.

 

Some state manipulations had to do with sensitive aspects of my past life. This precious and intimate detail, fraternally employed, was noted and developed, forming part of a long list of compilations and collations, embodying opinion, analysis and, at times, humorous observation.

 

The content of the files would be of value to the respective security agencies. A knowing what I know.

 

A reading of specific loggings, would enlightened as to why many of their across my path manipulations failed, this without a conscious effort on my part to negate them.

 

Computer geeks spoken to have said the device plugged into my computer had no pertinence to the task in hand, but had a capacity to copy (“download”) all of my computer data in minutes.

 

It was not the first such theft.

 

An Internet enthusiast brought in to give an overview of what happened had in seconds picked up the process of fault correction, using the computer’s in-built software, without resort to external nexus.

 

That understanding was elementary and could not but have been known to a very experienced technical operator.

 

In another regard, the person most concerned with the said abuse, had in the not too distant past inquired of my wellbeing. “How is your health?”, I was asked.

 

The query was unprecedented, without preamble, and instigated for a purpose in which natural courtesy or concern had no part to play; like the computer abuse, it will have been done at the behest of and in the interest of national security agency.

 

The health enquiry, another security staple, also comes from the plausible denial box of tricks. But why?

 

At the time of its posing, our national intelligence guardians were in the throes of attempting to put a cache of high priced treasures my way, likely to be “found“ at a flea market, a car boot sale – or a charity shop. The list of possibilities goes on.

 

“’Junk’ for Justice”? A way of saying, “Take it, sell it – and shut up!” This was not the only time such an oblique pay-off attempt was considered. Natural disposition precluded the initiatives from developing to fruition. Innate priorities dictate.

 

The whys and wherefore of this fortuitous beneficence is explained in the last section of my letter dated 22.04.14 to the Intelligence and Security Committee, and found in Stakeknife web site, Section 18.

 

Yes, I want justice, but I want it by the way of God. A justice that is cognisant of others less fortunate than myself. I allude to those souls wantonly sacrificed by state intelligence agencies over the long travail we know as the Troubles.

 

This cohort is symbolically represented by Nivruti Islania (6 months at death) and Heidi Hazell (26 years at death).

 

Both are mentioned in my correspondence to the Intelligence and Security Committee (Stakeknife web site, Section 18).

 

*

One day after the above remarked egregious abuse of my computer, an “across my path” encounter took place. It was by a politician of the lousy left. Someone who will end up with a bevy of pensions before reaching my age.

 

An approach to this facilitated opportunity, a security service staple, would have led to a lie being placed on the record. It was an unrequited expectation.

 

(The Irish well of state friendly lousy left names must be nearly dry by now?)

 

This tactic is more broadly illustrated in my letter of 22.04.14 to the Intelligence and Security Committee (Stakeknife web site, Section 18).

 

*

Once again, my gratitude to Andrew Tyrie MP and the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Extradition for making it possible to place this letter and the points it raises on record.

 

No such opportunity is available to me in Ireland.

 

I ask that a copy of the missive and enclosures go to all members of the Group.

 

I also ask of APPG members, if you have spare time and energy left after your deliberations on extraordinary rendition are completed, you might wish through individual concern to deal with the position of Nivruti Islania and Heidi Hazell.

 

As for myself, I have been an awful long time on this road alone, I could do with a companion on the journey.

 

Incidentally, on the mentioned abuse of my computer, this may have been in part driven by a remark in my letter to Andrew Tyrie MP.

 

I’m saying, take note, intelligence agencies hold to a self ordained remit to know everything of potential concern to them and through that knowing to thwart any challenge to own and fraternal interests.

 

“God” is watching over you.

 

A copy of this letter and enclosures will be forwarded to members of the ISC.

 

Thank you.

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

 

Ms Janice Lam.

Coordinator,

APPG on Extraordinary Rendition,

House of Commons,

London SW1A OAA,

UK.

 

Enc.

 

*

 

 

(Letter of 26.04.83 advising the sale of my property in County Cork)

 

 

(Letter of 02.05.83 advising the sale of my property in County Cork)

 

*****

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

Tuesday 24.02.15

 

 

(Chairman and Members of Intelligence & Security Committee)

 

 

Please find enclosed a copy letter of today’s date to Ms Janice Lam, Coordinator, All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition. It contains two enclosures.

 

The missive, apart from referring to submissions to the Intelligence and Security Committee, has, I believe, relevance to your committee.

 

I do hope it will be given due respect and attention.

 

A copy is to be despatched to all members of the ISC.

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

The Rt. Hon. Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC MP.

Chairman Intelligence and Security Committee,

Members Intelligence and Security Committee,

(The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears MP; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC MP; Mr. Mark Field MP; Ms Fiona Mactaggart MP; The Rt. Hon. George Howarth MP; Dr. Julian Lewis MP; Lord Lothian QC PC.)

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ,

UK.

 

Enc.

 

*

 

 

 

(Letter of 11.03.15 from Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament)

 

*****

Seán Kelly.                            

474 Galtymore Road,                                              

Drimnagh,                                                                      

Dublin 12,                                                      

Ireland.                                                           

Tuesday 17.03.2015

 

(Directed to Members of the ISC)

 

 

Over say the past twenty months I wrote a series of letters-submissions to the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament (ISC), in most part to named members, without a return.

 

On the 24th ultimo, a copy letter and enclosures to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition was sent to individual members of the ISC.

 

Something in it must have particularly frightened MI5, for a communication was forthcoming from the ISC Secretariat, dated 11.03.15, referring to mine of 24 February, informing, “I am replying on behalf of the Committee.” (See attached copy.)

 

The push was that I should take my case to “The Investigatory Powers Tribunal” as the ISC “does not investigate individual complaints regarding the intelligence agencies.”

 

I know that. I did not ask the ISC to investigate my position..

 

In mine of 22.07.13 to Sir Malcolm Rifkind, Chairman, ISC:

 

“Please do not construe [my writing this letter] as a vote of confidence in your committee to deliberate impartially on my submission. To expect otherwise would be, I pose, to run counter to the laws of nature. Years of lies and abuse have conditioned me to believe intelligence agencies are a law unto themselves.

 

“Disabuse me if you will.

 

“Attached are the Internet addresses previously forwarded to the ISC. If the Stakeknife compilation, number one on the list, reflects on acts of egregious wrongdoing by the Security Service in respect of other parties, the additional web addresses, mirroring one presentation, derive in large part from my own encounters at the hands of intelligence agencies and post event experiences.

 

“My claims are backed up by extensive research and corroboration. If your committee hold to a genuine desire to ‘investigate the actions of MI5, MI6 and GCHQ to uncover the truth’ in order to provide an accurate overview of national intelligence agencies, it is imperative that it should go beyond the sanitised and partial submissions that indubitably will be made on behalf of those agencies.

 

“Perhaps a reading of my web sites will provide some realism and balance in that regard?

 

“Let’s see if MI5 ‘only shoot the crocodiles nearest to the boat.’”

 

On Tuesday 13.05.14, my submissions to the ISC were placed on the Internet – Stakeknife web address, Section 18. A short introduction preceded the inclusion of letters.

 

In that preamble it was noted:

 

“’The ISC’s statutory remit covers the operations, policy, administration and finances of the intelligence and security Agencies. The Committee does not investigate individual complaints about the Agencies (which is the responsibility of the Investigatory Powers Tribunal).’

 

“My aim is to bring to the attention of the Committee acts of egregious wrongdoing by the Security Service and to educate them as to the on-the-ground reality of that agency, which is within their remit. The direction concerns the ‘operations [and] policy’ of the said agency, in so far as my own background informs.

 

“The Stakeknife revelations, per se, only relate to me by my being the author of the web site, an understanding derived from many years at the receiving end of MI5 malpractice and added to by extensive research. Ditto those issues represented in correspondence supplied to the ISC concerning continental IRA operations allowed to proceed in the protection and promotion of agents/assets, leading to deaths.

 

“With other matters mentioned these are surely appropriate subjects for ISC deliberation and, ultimately, exposition and correction.

 

“The Investigatory Powers Tribunal is ill-suited, I judge, to dwell on my submission. Besides, notwithstanding the grand sounding title, it is likely to be no more than a bureaucratic jar of ointment for an unsuspecting fly. I hope I am by now beyond that naïve definition.”

 

Going further into the web presentation, my letter of Monday 31.03.14 goes…

 

“The Stakeknife web site supplied to you in previous correspondence brought to your attention IRA operations on the continent, which though compromised, were allowed to proceed for operational intelligence reasons, namely in the protection and promotion of informers.

 

“Deaths ensued.

 

“One of those murdered in what I call an RIA operation was six month old Nivruti Islania, shot with her father Maheshkumar ‘Mick’ Islania, a Royal Air Force corporal based at Wildenrath in Germany, on 26 October 1989. Mick Islania was also killed. Murder tolerated in order to preserve a modus operandi with close to a universal acceptance in the intelligence community.

 

“A hidden remove that affords protection to MI5/Special Branch and facilitates plausible denial. As elsewhere described, a bespoke hoodie for cowards.

 

“By speaking up for Nivruti you can help break this extraordinarily privileged and deadly silence.”

 

This theme was further developed in a follow-up letter dated Tuesday 22.04.14.

 

“In mine of the 31st ultimo I brought to your attention IRA actions on the continent which though compromised were allowed to proceed for operational intelligence reasons, that is in the protection and promotion of informers.

 

“Deaths ensued.

 

“Cited were the murders of Royal Air Force corporal Mick Islania and his six month old daughter Nivruti.

 

“I add to the list. When the ISC are next addressed by a senior member of the Security Service, please put this direct question to him or her:

 

Who murdered Heidi Hazell?          

 

“Heidi, the German wife of a British army sergeant was shot dead near Dortmund, Germany on 7 September 1989 in what I call an RIA operation.”

 

Who murdered Heidi Hazell? The Security Service did. No, not directly. They pulled the strings, not the trigger – an agent did that.

 

You see, I did not ask the ISC to “investigate an individual complaint” to do with my person. I simply asked that questions be put to the Security Service in order to “investigate the actions of MI5…[and] uncover the truth.”

 

That is the function of the ISC

 

A clatter of safe pairs of hands dodged the issue in order to portray clean hands where in reality there is blood on hands. British and other blood.

 

*

Returning to the letter from the ISC Secretariat. I privately observed that it was a bureaucratic device to redirect and negate, in particular those charges contained in my letter of 24 February 2015. As elsewhere termed: “A jar of ointment for an unsuspecting fly.”

 

Had I been unwise enough to oblige with a direction to The Investigatory Powers Tribunal, the collective of intelligence agencies would have, on recovering from a convulsion of laughter, attempted to put a “favour” across my path. Tid-bits for an accomodating child.

 

A try-on fielded many times before, which always fell short of its intended design.

 

However, since the recent theft, and reading, of my computer data, they should now know, if not fully understand, the reasons for that failure.

 

I allude particularly to manipulations of a sensitive and intimate nature, across my path encounters created by state agencies to secure control and effect a silence.

 

In life and death they assume the prerogatives of God.

 

*

Who instructed the despatch of the ISC Secretariat letter? Was it really the Committee?

 

It doesn’t indicate a named direction and it isn’t signed.

 

Could it be a valedictory gesture by a member of the Committee for the benefit of the Security Service?

 

MI5 calling the shots?

 

*

“The Investigatory Powers Tribunal is an independent body comprising senior judges and lawyers.” Every bit as “independent” as the ISC, I suggest.

 

The controlling forces that corrupt our “democratic” system made a mistake in appointing Mrs. Nuala O’Loan as Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. Within her remit, she courageously searched for truth in matters referred to her. I aver it was at times a titanic struggle.

 

One that did not make her popular among certain entrenched powers in the Northern Ireland security establishment, long a self ordained body of shadow governance, and this excluded the obfuscators in chief, MI5 and other intelligence agencies, who were outside her remit.

 

Under her stewardship the Ombudsman’s office was honourable and diligent in its excavations. The “mistake” made in respect of her appointment is unlikely to have been made in the loading of The Investigatory Powers Tribunal.

 

The John Stalker experience without the menace and just as efficacious at closing down external challenge?

 

I repose no confidence in The Investigatory Powers Tribunal and will not make a blind leap of faith.

 

Intelligence agencies hold in contempt courts of law, tribunals and investigatory bodies. Well they protect themselves, their co-fraternals and political friends.

 

Many years ago, when reporting in New Zealand an intelligence agency attempt to kill me in Abel Tasman National Park, the decent policeman, referring to the NZ intelligence agency, said: “That lot wouldn’t give us the time of day.”

 

A reading of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry and the Smithwick Tribunal transcripts suggests an almost fawning deference, even a siding with the protocols of intelligence agencies, by some of the involved legal representatives. By use of protective caveats and subterfuge, deception by another word, MI5 and its counterparts can avoid embarrassing disclosure.

 

Let me illustrate by use of quoted material from the Stakeknife web site, Section 6. It concerns an IRA agent code named Infliction and the giving of evidence on his behalf by the Security Service to the Bloody Sunday/Saville Inquiry.

 

 

“Note 2:

 

“Though the Saville Inquiry gave qualified endorsement to the proxy submissions made on behalf of Infliction, his identity was not made public.

 

“The Security Service has undoubted good reasons for keeping the identity of Infliction under wraps.

 

“Infliction could have attended the Inquiry and given evidence behind screens. It was not done.

 

“Was this because, in one respect, the content of his statement(s) and ensuing evidence, along with his speech, even if electronically distorted, would have made for identification? 

 

“These considerations aside, I do not believe it is beyond the wit of a good security analyst in the republican movement to divine a likely candidate for agent Infliction, especially if Martin McGuinness was forthcoming to such an inquiry.

 

“However, the movement may have a vested interest in not making Infliction’s identity known. In that they share common ground with MI5.

 

“Exposing Infliction would undermine a pantheon of lies and mythology silently advanced in a game of fractious evolution of the republican movement from revolution to ballot box.

 

“Was an honest exposition an invitation for cracks to appear in a time crafted story image, challenging for state on one hand with potentially destabilising implications for the non-truth process on the other?

 

“On Infliction, Martin McGuinness is caught between a rock and a hard place. If he publicly admits knowing who Infliction is, as he must if evidence given by MI5 to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry was a true return from a debrief, which the Inquiry accepts it is, he thereby acknowledges having fired the first shot on Sunday 30 January 1972 and having confessed this to Infliction. If loath to concede on the latter, he must know on the former. Not that he would retract his denial of having said what is credited to him for fear of the backlash it would have on his personal standing and on his political base.

 

“Infliction it was claimed in one formula of words had ‘resettled outside the United Kingdom’ and ‘who was overseas’ in another, wasn’t asked to give witness evidence to the Saville Inquiry as doing so, it was said, could put him in danger and infringe his human rights.

 

“In their narrowest interpretation, the two above quoted mentions simply say that Infliction was not living in Britain or Northern Ireland at the time of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. If true, it does not exclude the possibility of him living, or having lived, in the Republic of Ireland.

 

“The essence of Infliction evidence to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry ended on Friday 9 May 2003 with testimony from serving and ex-Security Service officers, including ‘whistleblowers’ David Shayler and his girlfriend Annie Machon. On Saturday 10 May 2003 the Stakeknife bombshell was primed for lobbing into the public arena through facilitated press disclosure the following day, giving impetus to an Anglo-Irish intelligence deception by transforming it into a hyper news event. The 11 May Stakeknife explosion was simply lift-off. Like a rolling thunder the story rumbled on, crowding out speculation on Infliction’s identity and other issues.

 

“A case of the respective states doing their duty to self interest, and note the consummate ease with which they carried it off. What does that say about the supposed independence of our media, north and south of the Irish border and on the ‘mainland’?

 

“On Monday 12 May 2003, Martin ‘whistleblower’ Ingram gave evidence to the Saville Inquiry. Ingram was the chief architect of the Stakeknife story at a remove. His evidence to the Inquiry was, like that of David Shayler and Annie Machon, found wanting.

 

“Best it should with MI5 Infliction disclosure which preceded it, be buried under a triggered Stakeknife mudslide.

 

“It was.

 

“Returning to why Infliction did not attend the Saville Tribunal, it was said to compel a presence would have infringed his human rights, in that it could disclose his identity and endanger his life.

 

“If there is potential in that claim, there were yet more pressing reasons for MI5 not wishing Infliction’s attendance at the tribunal.

 

“Hoisting the human rights flag may have been an expedient to deflect from them.

 

“Revealing the identity of Infliction directly or inadvertently through statements and/or evidence to the Inquiry, would put a cat among the pigeons, the ramifications of which are profound.

 

“His unmasking would do more than expose the deep penetration of the republican movement, it would open a window to countless operations made possible by default.

 

“I allude to those actions effectively given the green light by intelligence agencies in acceptance of the possible consequences, including landing, dispersal and end use of munitions from North America and Libya.

 

“As it stands, the deaths, maiming and terror resulting from the use of that weaponry, rests solely at the door of the IRA and is not properly shared with those who for years helped in good part the driving of that belligerence – agents and agencies of state.

 

“By exclusively dwelling on the human rights of Infliction, the Bloody Sunday Inquiry negated a corresponding position on the human rights of victims of IRA actions given a free hand for operational intelligence reasons, including those compromised as a result of intelligence supplied by Infliction and other well placed informers.

 

“Correction in these matters should come, even if the coming is too late for many.

 

“One observes, as an aside, if Infliction was as earlier noted, ‘resettled outside the United Kingdom’, outside Britain and Northern Ireland, he would have been beyond the legal reach of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. That being so, the tribunal could not impose and considerations of his ‘human rights’ would not have arisen.

 

“It is also possible he may have non-British or even dual citizenship.”

 

 

A rhetorical question. How many lives wantonly discarded in compromised IRA operations should be laid at Infliction’s door, this through source protection and promotion? Thirty, forty, fifty? More?

 

How many more, I would ask.

 

*

The above has mention of a former British army intelligence “whistleblower” who operated under the pseudonym Martin Ingram.

 

In some of the fundamentals to do with the Stakeknife myth – made public by Ingram – he claimed involvement in specific events in Northern Ireland at a time when, research tells us, he was based in another country.

 

Corroborative documents and references underpinning this assertion are to be found variously in the Stakeknife web site. In short, intelligence officer Ingram messed up his dates.

 

Giving credit to Ingram’s version of events is to accept a capacity to bi-locate.

 

But then he has MI5 on his side, so maybe he can.

 

*

I am a UK pensioner aged 75 years. At time of writing that pension is £64 per week. I receive no benefits from Ireland or elsewhere. Survival is made possible through dipping into my savings, the returns from years of industry and sacrifice.

 

I have very little formal education (failed the Irish Primary Certificate). I have no formal qualification. What you see comes largely from life’s experience.

 

My transport is an old postman’s bicycle with a banana box at the front. Norm’ Tebbit would be proud of me.

 

There are no holidays.

 

What I am saying is: if I can do my bit for others who suffered the ultimate price of state wrongdoing, so can you.

 

You get paid for it. Besides, it is your duty, if you know the meaning of the word.

 

I once more ask members of the Intelligence and Security Committee to give consideration to those capriciously sacrificed by the modus operandi of MI5, operating independently or fraternally.

 

The deaths of Nivruti Islania and Heidi Hazell on the continent symbolically represent that cohort.

 

If the hour is late, please do not forsake them. Treat them as if they were your own blood. Defy the obscene protocols that govern these things.

 

(A copy of this letter will be forwarded to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition.)

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

 

Members Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament.

(The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears MP; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC MP; Mr. Mark Field MP; The Rt. Hon. George Howarth MP; Dr. Julian Lewis MP; The Lord Lothian QC PC; Ms Fiona Mactaggart MP.)

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ,

UK.

 

Enc.

 

*

 

 

(Letter of 07.04.15 from George Howarth MP on behalf of ISC)

 

 

*****

 

 

Seán Kelly.

474 Galtymore Road,

Drimnagh,

Dublin 12,

Ireland.

Thursday 23.04.15

 

 

(Dear Mr. Howarth and Members of ISC)

 

 

Received yesterday (sic) yours of 07.04.15, in reply to mine of 17th March.

 

To quote your short missive, written on behalf of the Intelligence and Security Committee:

 

“Thank you for your letter of 17th March 2015, regarding the former British Army Intelligence Officer, Martin Ingram. * ”I was aware of the previous response to you from the former Chair of the Committee and do not think there is anything useful I can add to the advice you have already been given. * “Yours sincerely, George Howarth [facsimile signature].”

 

My letter of 17 March was not about Martin Ingram, even if he was a serious component in introducing the mythical British Army agent Stakeknife in the IRA into the public arena. An MI5 deception that had ulterior intelligence goals.

 

It was in the context of that deception he entered the presentation.

 

My direction to the ISC was repeated in the clearest terms in a number of letters. Allow me to extract a short quote from mine of 17 March 2015 (final page):

 

“I once more ask members of the Intelligence and Security Committee to give consideration to those capriciously sacrificed by the modus operandi of MI5, operating independently or in fraternal concert.

 

“The deaths of Nivruti Islania and Heidi Hazell on the continent symbolically represent that cohort.”

 

The implications of this direction are profound and are not confined to IRA operations on the continent but extend to the UK and the Republic of Ireland.

 

In mine of the 17th ultimo a query was posed and answered: “Who murdered Heidi Hazell?” Your letter by a reluctance to return, fears to speak its name.

 

Hence in yours of 7 April, the evasion of twice kicking the ball to touch. Firstly by reference to Martin Ingram. Secondly, by allusion, that I should take my case to the Investigatory Powers Tribunal.

 

In mine of 17 March the latter insult was unequivocally responded to. You people evidently do not like truth or plain speaking.

 

Nor do you like doing your duty to God and the British people. In the failure to grasp this nettle you have sentenced more people to death.

 

History will repeat itself.

 

In reading The Times of yesterday, the day I received your letter, a report caught my attention. It concerned a war crimes trial underway in Germany.

 

I introduce a paragraph from the report:

 

“Mr. Groning’s trial is expected to run for three months, with testimony from Auschwitz survivors and historical records. Prosecutors hope to establish the principle that anyone who worked in Auschwitz bears legal culpability for complicity to murder.” (My emphasis)

 

Oh that such a principle would extend to those who, in other matters, have a voice but care not or dare not use it.

 

 

 

(Yours sincerely)

 

 

 

 

 

The Rt. Hon George Howarth and Members Intelligence and Security Committee.

(The Rt. Hon. Hazel Blears; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO; The Rt. Hon. Sir Menzies Campbell CBE QC; Mr. Mark Field; Dr. Julian Lewis; The Lord Lothian QC PC; Ms Fiona Mactaggart.)

35 Great Smith Street,

London SWIP 3BQ,

UK.

 

Enc.

 

 

                                                                               END

 

*

 

WEB ADDRESSES

 

www.stakeknife.eu

 

*

www.statemurder.eu

(mirrored at)

www.seankellydublin.eu

 

*

 

Twitter: @seankellyis

 

 

Do you have a Twitter, Facebook or other social media account? If so, would you consider advertising the above web addresses?

 

On Saturday 6 August 2016 I found the second and third web addresses to be unavailable on the Internet when doing a routine check.

 

I will work to have them reinstated next week. If any of my web addresses are down in the future and you wish to view them, write to me and a CD will be forwarded.

 

Please help make known these events. It is very important for those who have been lied to and denied justice.

 

Thank you.

 

*

 

 

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